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B o s N e t - Mar. 1, 1995
==========================================
Document-Id: PDI://OMA.EOP.GOV.US/1995/2/28/4.TEXT.1
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________
________ For Immediate Release
February 28, 1995
PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE PRESIDENT
AND PRIME MINISTER KOK OF THE NETHERLANDS
Cross Hall
1:13 P.M. EST
(...)
Q Did you assure the Prime Minister that the U.S. would
take part in any possible withdrawal of U.N. peacekeepers from
Croatia, if necessary?
THE PRESIDENT: Croatia and what?
Q Croatia with U.S. troops? Would U.S. troops help bring
them out, if necessary?
THE PRESIDENT: Let me, first of all, say, we did not
discuss that explicitly. You know, the United States has -- I
guess we ought to get this clear -- the United States has
committed explicitly, and has a plan for helping on the troops
in Bosnia. And one of the reasons that the Dutch have been so
strong in believing we should not unilaterally lift the arms
embargo is that they have troops in and around Srebrenica, I
think --
PRIME MINISTER KOK: Right.
THE PRESIDENT: And perhaps the most vulnerable of all of
the United Nations troops are the Dutch. They have really been
brave, they've stuck their necks out. They have prevented much
more bloodshed and saved a lot of lives. And that's why they're
against the unilateral lift of the arms embargo, because they
know what could happen not only to their own troops, but if they
are compelled to withdraw, what could happen in that fragile
area. And we all remember it wasn't so long ago when that whole
area was given up for lost, and now hasn't been.
Now, we have gone through that. We're still doing our best
to preserve the U.N. mission and presence in Croatia. We may
not be able to persuade President Tudjman and his government to
do that. We have, therefore, not articulated a clear position.
Obviously, we feel a great obligation to all of our allies who
are in UNPROFOR who are in vulnerable positions. But I want to
say that we have not at this moment explicitly embraced a plan,
consulted with the congressional leadership and ratified it.
But, obviously, we are just as concerned about the U.N. forces
in Croatia as those in Bosnia, but the decision-making process
is at a different point.
(...)
END1:33 P.M. EST
**************************************
Document-Id: PDI://OMA.EOP.GOV.US/1995/2/28/2.TEXT.1
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________
_______ For Immediate Release
February 28, 1995
REMARKS OF PRESIDENT CLINTON
AND PRIME MINISTER KOK OF THE NETHERLANDS
IN PHOTO OPPORTUNITY
The Oval Office
10:37 A.M. EST
Q about U.N peacekeeping forces that may be in jeopardy
because of the attitude of the Republican Party?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I don't agree with the attitude of
the party with regard to the peacekeeping forces in Bosnia. And
with regard to, at least some of what I've seen in the House of
Representatives on peacekeeping generally. I believe the United
States should participate in peacekeeping. I think we should
pay our way. I think we should continue to be a strong force
there.
With regard to Bosnia, I think we should -- the United
States should support the Contact Group and should support those
countries that do have their soldiers on the ground and at risk
there. And we have said, for example, if we had to withdraw --
if UNPROFOR collapsed, we would try to do our part to help
people get out of Bosnia safely. But I think it would be a
mistake for the United States to go off on its own and start
making independent Bosnia policy. We don't have our soldiers
there; the Europeans do have soldiers there; the Canadians have
soldiers there. They have put their lives at risk. We have
spent a lot of money in Bosnia and we have supported from air
and sea and from our hospital in Croatia and a lot of other ways
we've supported the operation of the U.N. in Bosnia.
Q So you're with our Prime Minister and against the
Republicans in this matter?
THE PRESIDENT: That's correct.
(...) END10:42 A.M. EST
============================================
OMRI DAILY DIGEST No. 44
2 March 1995
CROATIA STANDS FIRM ON UNPROFOR. The Croatian Defense and
National Security Council met at the Presidential Palace on 1
March, Hina reports. An official statement on President Franjo
Tudjman's decision to end UNPROFOR's mandate as of 31 March
states: "The Council is determined to stick to the decision . .
. The mandate will not be extended. As proof of its
determination to achieve a peaceful solution and the
reintegration of the occupied areas, Croatia is willing to
accept the presence of international monitors on its
internationally recognized borders with Serbia and Bosnia.
Croatia will not accept a new UNPROFOR, or the deployment of any
forces in the disengagement zone in Croatia [that is, along the
current battle lines between Croatian and Krajina Serb forces]."
Zagreb charges that the UN presence along those lines has served
only to protect Serbian conquests. Novi list on 2 March quotes
Chief of the General Staff General Janko Bobetko as saying that
control of Croatia's borders with Serbia and Bosnia would "solve
the crisis" in Zagreb's view. Nasa Borba, however, cites Defense
Minister Gojko Susak as arguing that if a new war should break
out, "the international community will not react if we work
professionally and quickly, as our army is capable of doing." --
Patrick Moore, OMRI, Inc.
"SOME OF THE WORST ETHNIC CLEANSING SINCE LAST YEAR." This is
how a UN spokesman on 1 March summed up the expulsion from the
Banja Luka area of 679 Muslims and Croats, whose houses were
dynamited. Nasa Borba on 2 March reports that the Banja Luka
Serbs also arrested six employees of the Muslim charity
organization Merhamet. The Serbs had previously detained three
other Merhamet workers elsewhere in Bosnia. UN officials on 1
March said that both government and Serbian forces are hindering
movement of UN personnel. AFP added that for the first time, the
Serbs have issued a blanket ban on all UN refugee agency convoys
heading for Sarajevo. In other news, Vecernji list on 2 March
reports that a large contingent of Zagreb doctors has arrived in
Nova Bila, in central Bosnia. The historic monastery has a
hospital that was all but destroyed in the fighting between
Croats and Muslims in 1993, during which the Bosnian Croats
often complained that Zagreb had abandoned them. -Patrick Moore,
OMRI, Inc.
CONTACT GROUP MEETS MILOSEVIC. Representatives of the
international Contact Group met in Belgrade on 1 March with
Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic. According to international
news agencies, the purpose of the latest meeting was to secure
Milosevic's backing for a peace plan and to sound out his views
on the situation in the former Yugoslavia. Milosevic has been
unwilling so far to endorse a plan whereby Belgrade would
recognize Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina in exchange for the
lifting of sanctions against the rump Yugoslavia. According to a
Reuters account, Contact Group delegates were tight-lipped after
the meeting. Members of the group are slated to hold an
emergency meeting in Paris on 2 March. -- Stan Markotich, OMRI,
Inc.
RUMP YUGOSLAV ARMY OFFICIAL SACKED. Tanjug on 1 March reported
that Col. Ljubodrag Stojadinovic, head of the rump Yugoslav
army's propaganda division, was dismissed the same day,
following trial by military tribunal on charges of impugning the
president and the military. According to Belgrade's independent
Radio B 92, Stojadinovic's dismissal may have far-reaching
consequences, signaling to other alleged proBosnian Serb
nationalists that they, too, may be purged. -- Stan Markotich,
OMRI, Inc.
U.S. TO SEND MORE TROOPS TO MACEDONIA? The U.S. administration
is considering sending more troops to Macedonia, the Baltimore
Sun reported on 2 March. A senior administration official said
500 to 10,000 additional soldiers could be stationed there.
Between 300 and 600 U.S. army soldiers have been part of the
1,100-strong UN peacekeeping force in Macedonia since 1993.
National Security Adviser Anthony Lake told reporters on 1 March
that sending additional troops to Macedonia is being considered
because of the danger of a widening Balkan war. "Macedonia
becomes extremely important because of its ethnic mix and
because of Greece's interest in Macedonia," Lake was cited as
saying. U.S. officials fear that a possible Serbian move against
Macedonia may lead to a Balkan war involving neighboring
countries. -- Stefan Krause, OMRI, Inc.
PAKISTANI DEFENSE MINISTER IN BOSNIA AND ALBANIA. Aftab Shaaban
Mirani, during his visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina on 1 March,
celebrated the Bajram holiday with the 3,000 Pakistani UNPROFOR
soldiers stationed there and met with President Alija
Izetbegovic. He is to arrive in Albania on 3 March for a
three-day visit, Gazeta Shqiptare reported the previous day.
Mirani is scheduled to meet with Defense Minister Safet Zhulali
and will also visit Croatia. Meanwhile, Albanian President Sali
Berisha said Tirana is ready to improve relations with Greece,
despite the recent killing of two illegal Albanian immigrants by
Greek border guards, Reuters reported on 1 March. Greek Foreign
Minister Karolos Papoulias will visit Albania on 13 March.
According to Deutsche Welle's Albanian-language service on 1
March, the Greek government is preparing a law to regulate
migration from Albania to Greece. -- Fabian Schmidt, OMRI, Inc.
==================================================
TODAY'S ISSUES==> TOPIC: MILITARY & ARMS Ref: C32L0151
Date: 03/02/95 From: STEVE SCHULTZ (Leader)
Time: 05:02pm \/To: ALL
(Read 0 times) Subj: BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA UPDATE
Bosnian Serbs started a crack down yesterday on Muslim relief
workers and announced a halt to aid deliveries by truck to
Sarajevo. Police officers in Banja Luka detained Nijaz
Karaselimovic, the local head of a Muslim charity; the agency
said it had no word on his whereabouts, or those of about 50
others working for the group. Relief workers said last week that
Bosnian Serbs had expelled more than 300 Muslims from Banja Luka.
A U.N. aircraft was hit by gunfire for the third time in five
days yesterday, and Bosnian Serbs said that they would not allow
land convoys into Sarajevo for a week beginning Sunday. The city
has about three weeks' worth of food in warehouses.
Talks on exchanging prisoners in northwestern Bosnia mediated by
the I.C.R.C. collapsed yesterday. (A.P./N.Y.T.)
-----------------------------------------------------------------
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B o s N e t - Mar. 2, 1995
==========================================
1995/The Times Mirror Company Los Angeles Times
February 28, 1995, Tuesday, Home Edition
Next Step; A Rumor of Renewed War; Across a U.N.-patrolled
buffer zone, Serbs and Croats eye each other suspiciously in the
Krajina region. What will happen if the peacekeepers start
withdrawing?
BYLINE: SCOTT KRAFT; TIMES STAFF WRITER SECTION: WORLD REPORT;
PAGE: 2
VOJNIC, Croatia -- In this mountain village deep inside
territory internationally recognized as Croatian, the uniformed
Serbian rebels are on war alert, smoking cigarettes over their
coffee and talking tough.
"If the Croats want war, they'll get war," said a Serbian
corporal, raising his eyes to catch a glimpse of the subtitled,
afternoon American movie on Bosnian Serb TV. "But this time
we'll do it properly."
Across a buffer zone monitored by U.N. troops, though, the
Croatian government is ready to gamble that such words are mere
bravado.
"There's such an overexaggeration of the military power of
the Serbian forces," said Zoran Bosnjak, an adviser to Croatia's
foreign minister. "It's just incredible the way it's
exaggerated."
Talk like that, on both sides of the front line, has the
world worried.
The Croatian government is determined to follow through on
its promise to order 12,000 U.N. troops to begin moving out by
the end of March from the zone between the Croatian heartland
and the mountainous one-third of its territory still held by
rebel Serbs.
If the U.N. troops leave, military analysts figure, both
sides will rush to seize mountaintops, river crossings and other
strategic points in the 1.2-mile-wide, U.N.-held zone. Weapons
caches now under U.N. guard will be opened.
And a 10-month-old cease-fire will be doomed. An expanded
war, a war that could easily spread throughout the Balkans, will
be a trigger-pull away. "If the U.N. leaves," a U.N. official
says, "it will be like pouring gasoline on glowing embers."
The road to Vojnic illustrates the situation. Leaving
Croatia, population 4.7 million, one passes the Croatian border
police checkpoint. A mile later is the first U.N. checkpoint
and, then, the armed Serbian militiamen who control entry to the
place they call the Republic of Serbian Krajina.
In this "republic," abutting the western border of troubled
Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Serbian population, estimated at
300,000, lives under its own national flag and uses its own
currency.
Yet the international community considers the Krajina, as
the region is known, part of Croatia. But the cost of the Serbs'
declaration of political independence is evident everywhere. The
1991 Serbo-Croatian war, fought over this soil, left many towns
in rubble. Many of the homes and businesses belonged to
Croatians, killed or forced to flee during the fighting.
Water plants have been shut down. Electricity is rationed.
Telephone calls to the outside world aren't possible, except for
those few with cellular phones. Most of the factories are shut.
The prices for everything from toilet paper to gasoline are
twice those in Croatia.
And war never seems very far away. From the weedy town
square in Vojnic, population 13,500, the latest shelling of
Bihac, about 30 miles away in Bosnia, can be heard.
Few here want a renewal of the war, but they fear it is
inevitable. If the United Nations leaves, they know the Croatian
government will try to retake its soil, forcing the Krajinans to
live under the Croatian flag. A negotiated solution would be
possible, but the Krajina leaders have refused to talk unless
the United Nations promises to stay.
Jadranka Ivosevic,18, a college student who has grown to her
maturity in this conflict, believes that re-integration of the
Krajina into Croatia will never happen by negotiation for one
practical reason: "All our men are considered war criminals in
Croatia, and they can never just surrender."
Ivosevic is studying to be a teacher, taking courses in a
college woefully short of water--and teachers. Her father, who
supported the family working as a locksmith, in a local factory,
lost his job when war closed the factory. Now he, like 50,000 of
the able-bodied men in the Krajina, is a soldier, earning just
$15 a month.
"I have a question for you," Ivosevic said to a foreign
reporter. "Do you think the U.N. will withdraw?" It is the
question on everyone's mind.
The Croatian government says it would be willing to accept a
different international deployment in this region, and the
United Nations is trying to come up with some ideas. But U.N.
troops standing between Croatia and the Krajina? Not a chance,
Croatia says.
The time has come to shake things up, the Croatian
government thinks. High-ranking officials in the capital,
Zagreb, believe that the U.N. presence has lulled the Krajina's
leaders into a false sense of security, making them think that
sovereign statehood is still an option.
"The U.N. has been preserving a negative status quo," said
Bosnjak, the Croatian Foreign Ministry official. "And we have to
change some of the basic ingredients in this former Yugoslavian
brew."
Although Bosnjak says the Croatian government realizes a
renewed war is possible, he doesn't consider it inevitable. "We
will show a high degree of tolerance for small-scale
provocations," he said.
For many in the Krajina, the prospect of war, however
distasteful, brings with it the hope of an end to their
isolation. "This war will be the one that lasts until one of us
capitulates," one Serbian soldier said.
"This country of ours was difficult to create," said Milos
Vucinic, secretary of the City Council here. "And now we're
supposed to give it up to become second-class citizens in
Croatia."
Vucinic spoke in the City Hall, where stooped women carried
satchels of firewood from office to office, replenishing the
heating stoves. Behind him was a wall-sized map of the city and
its many factories, now starved for lack of raw materials.
A possible solution to the conflict was offered a few weeks
ago in an initiative led by the U.S. and Russian ambassadors to
Croatia. They drew up an autonomy plan that would allow the
Krajina region substantial independence within Croatia, giving
the Serbs here the ability to raise taxes and their own flag,
among other things.
The Croatian government accepted the plan as a basis for
negotiations. But the Krajina Serbs refused to even look at it,
demanding instead that the United Nations first agree to not
withdraw.
Now the Krajina Serbs are mobilizing for war. New trenches
are being dug. Rifles are being cleaned. And reserve soldiers
must have permission from their commanders to leave their towns.
If there is a war, it will be much different from the 1991
war, analysts say. The Croatian government, whose army outmans
the Krajina Serb army 2 to 1, has had three years to build up
its arms.
The rebels, though, remain well armed, and they recently
signed a military cooperation agreement with the strong rebel
army of Bosnian Serbs, formalizing a de facto alliance.
Most analysts think the Croatian government is
overestimating its military strength, though they acknowledge
that government forces could win back at least some of the
Krajina.
The price in lives on both sides would be high, and Zagreb
might even be the target of some shelling. But recent public
opinion polls suggest that the Croatian people support their
president, Franjo Tudjman, and are willing to run the risk of
war.
Tudjman "is a risk taker. He's gambling the Serbs won't
attack, just like he did in 1991," said Ivo Banac, a Croatian
intellectual and history professor at Yale. "He was wrong then,
and he's wrong now."
Meanwhile, U.N. officials in this part of the Krajina are
nervously watching the Serbian military buildup.
Before the latest rise in tensions, the United Nations had
been heartened by the success of an economic agreement signed in
December between Croatia and leaders of the Krajina.
Thanks to that accord, an oil pipeline has reopened, cars
with Croatian as well as Krajinan license plates are driving
again on a U.N.-patrolled road in the Krajina, and one
electrical generating plant is back on line.
But talks to implement other parts of the accord have been
suspended by the Krajina Serbs since mid-February, again in a
bid to force the United Nations to remain. So far, the world
body has taken no steps to withdraw, hoping to avoid doing
anything that would panic the local population.
When and if the withdrawal begins, probably with the help of
North Atlantic Treaty Organization air power, U.N. officials
think the Krajina Serbs might try to stop it by taking U.N.
officials hostage or, in a more likely scenario, using women and
children to block the roads.
The United Nations hasn't always felt welcome here, of
course. In the last two months, armed gangs have stolen 30 U.N.
vehicles. The cars and trucks were repainted and driven around
the region's small villages, obvious to everyone except, of
course, the local police.
The police started to act on U.N. complaints only when it
appeared the forces might be leaving.
"It's funny how things have changed," said James Kanu, the
U.N. spokesman in Topusko, about 30 miles east of here. "A few
weeks ago the people in the Krajina were saying we were useless.
Now they're saying, 'Don't go.' "
1995/The Times Mirror Company
=================================================
OMRI DAILY DIGEST No. 45
3 March 1995
A DEAL IN THE OFFING ON UNPROFOR IN CROATIA? The VOA, the BBC,
and Reuters on 2 March all agreed that the chances are virtually
zero that President Franjo Tudjman will reverse his decision to
end UNPROFOR's mandate when it runs out on 31 March. It also
appears unlikely that NATO or the WEU will accede to Tudjman's
request to replace the international force on the front lines
between Croatian troops and Serbian rebels with units of
European or North American origin stationed on Croatia's
internationally recognized borders with Serbia and Bosnia.
Washington has now announced that Assistant Secretary of State
Richard Holbrooke will go to Zagreb next week to explore
alternatives. A Croatian Foreign Ministry official told Reuters
that the Contact Group countries might supply border monitors
and that this "would not require thousands...of troops. There
are only about 20-25 important border crossing points that need
to be monitored to prevent military interference from Bosnia or
[rump] Yugoslavia." He made it clear, however, that such
monitors could not be called UNPROFOR or be under UN control,
since "Croatians now regard the UN banner as a symbol of
international impotence and inertia in the face of the
dismemberment of a UN member state by a rogue minority."
Meanwhile in Belgrade, Nasa Borba on 3 March quotes Mihajlo
Markovic, a top official in the ruling Socialist Party of
Serbia, as saying that "the Serbian people" could not sit idly
by if Croatian troops massacred the Krajina Serb rebels. --
Patrick Moore, OMRI, Inc.
IMPASSE IN BOSNIA. The Bosnian Serb leadership says it is trying
to start direct talks with the Bosnian government, but the 3
March Los Angeles Times reports that the Muslims deny the story.
The two sides differ over the substance of some recent remarks
by President Alija Izetbegovic on the subject of possible
negotiations. Finally, AFP said on 2 March that the Krajina
Serbs have put a total ban on food convoys for the embattled
town of Bihac, in northwestern Bosnia. -- Patrick Moore, OMRI,
Inc.
SERBIAN UPDATE. "It didn't sound like much... I didn't see any
breakthrough," is how one unnamed US official in Washington
summed up Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic's
counterproposals to recent Contact Group peace initiatives for
the former Yugoslavia, Reuters reported. The remarks came in the
wake of preliminary reports on the 2 March Contact Group talks
in Paris. The same source added: "The problem is always the
same. [Milosevic] wants more sanctions relief but he doesn't
want to give anything in return for that. We can't accept
that."-- Stan Markotich, OMRI, Inc.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
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B o s N e t - Mar .4 , 1995
==========================================
CHICAGO TRIBUNE Copyright Chicago Tribune 1995
DATE: Friday, March 3, 1995 PAGE: 31 SOURCE: Georgie Anne Geyer,
Universal Press Syndicate. DATELINE: WASHINGTON
U.S. MILITARY MUSCLE WEAKENS
On my recent trip to the Middle East and Europe, nobody-not
one person-asked me about the United States or the Clinton
administration. New York Times columnist Flora Lewis found the
same "bewildering" phenomenon in January at the World Economic
Forum meeting in Switzerland. And this week, dramatized for
the whole world to see, we can see why we are increasingly
becoming, in Henry Kissinger's word, "irrelevant" as we move
beyond the end of the Cold War toward the turn of the century.
Point: In Somalia, where we sent troops in with such hope to
end mass starvation 16 months ago, several thousand American
troops were sent in again this week. Why? To fight to protect
foreign policy interests? No, to escort UN troops out of that
hopeless situation. (Meanwhile, even as the American troops
began landing Monday, the vicious clan leaders of Somalia,
backed up by their "technicals," waited outside the base to
begin the war all over again.) Point: This same week,
President Clinton announced it was likely he would send as many
as 20,000 to 30,000 troops to Croatia and Bosnia this spring.
Why? To punish the mass murderers of 200,000 people? To finally
bring justice to that benighted region? No, if they go in this
spring it will be to escort the UN troops out of that shameful
chapter in history. (In Belgrade, Serbian President Slobodan
Milosevic rejected with ever more contempt Washington's most
recent submission to him for a way to get it (not him) out of
the situation. And Serb fighters were readying for a fourth
spring of "ethnic cleansing," with perhaps a few attacks on the
UN peacekeepers just for the hell of it.) Point: In Haiti,
where American troops went last fall to return to power a
democratically elected president, the main impression being
given by our leaders is, not that the troops have done such a
good job, but that we have to get them out as fast as possible,
before anyone gets hurt. (And at the same time, the Ton Ton
Macoutes and vicious "attaches," not having been disarmed, are
waiting in the hills for everyone to leave.) In short, the
picture we are giving to the world is that the United States'
military doctrine is no longer, as the military always put it,
"to seize, retain and exploit the initiative." No, today, we
might better describe our purpose as to "try, fail, get out, and
then get those other blokes out ." When the Clinton
administration came in two years ago, advisers such as Anthony
Lake reiterated that, yes, they knew they had been accidentally
positioned by history to face this pregnant post-Cold War
moment, similar to 1945. They said, don't be impatient; hey, it
took time in 1945 to develop the Marshall Plan, NATO, the
containment policy toward Russia. But the Clinton group not
only has not come up with any policy toward this troubled world,
but is completely stuck in its own passivity, contempt for
American power and "therapeutic" attitude toward America's role
in the world. Ten years from now, it would still have no policy
for transforming the world except using the U.S. military as an
itinerant police and rescue force. In short, the United States
is indeed, as some of our generals have privately been warning,
becoming self-neutralized. And so it is not any surprise that
North Korea is calling Washington's bluff (the north has
virtually backed down on taking a "safe" nuclear plant from
South Korea. The administration's answer to that was to try to
woo it further by calling off traditional war games with the
south). It is no surprise that the Clinton administration
continues to give the Russians more, and more, and more, no
matter what they do. (At the moment, Russia is buoying up the
Serbs, destroying Chechnya and tearing apart foreign oil deals
with Moscow.) Meanwhile, the U.S. military is developing
"flexible responses," the idea being to develop original ways to
deal with ethnic wars, militias and street gangs. This is good,
but . . .
When American troops went into Somalia again this week, this
time they were armed not only with guns, but with an unorthodox
arsenal of wooden bullets, bean bag guns whose ammunition slaps
the skin but doesn't penetrate it, and a sticky foam that
literally glues adversaries to the ground. One might be
forgiven for thinking sardonically of all the world's bad guys
glued to the ground as we sailed away (the glue comes off only
with a special American solution). Yet the situation is in truth
even odder than that. "I think the whole nature of warfare is
changing," Lt. Gen. Anthony C. Zimmi, commander of this new
Somalia operation, said this week. "The military probably
shouldn't fight it." Am I wrong in thinking that those
incredible words could be a sister quote to Vietnam's "It became
necessary to destroy the town in order to save it"?
---------------------------------------------
LA TIMES SARAJEVO, Bosnia-Herzegovina--3/03/95 PURSUIT OF PEACE
By TYLER MARSHALL, Times Staff Writer
The Bosnian Serb leadership is seeking direct talks
with the government of Bosnia-Herzegovina to end the country's
3-year-old war, but their overtures have so far been rebuffed,
authorities here say. The move comes after the Bosnian
Serbs rejected the latest in a series of international
diplomatic peace proposals and amid growing signs that renewed
fighting could erupt on a large scale after the current
four-month cease-fire, which is due to end May 1.
In an interview Tuesday in the Bosnian Serb
mountain stronghold of Pale, east of Sarajevo, Nikola Koljevic,
the self-styled vice president of the rebel Bosnian Serb
government, said he had already had preliminary contacts with
members of the Muslim-led Bosnian government. "I'm
trying to establish a cooperative relationship with influential
Muslims at present," he said. "I think direct talks can help
more to accelerate a final agreement. It will be much clearer in
direct contact whether someone wants peace or war." He
said the idea of direct negotiations came from Bosnian President
Alija Izetbegovic last week and that Bosnian Serb leader Radovan
Karadzic agreed the next day, placing a 15-day deadline for a
substantive response on how to move forward.
But senior government officials here told a different
story. Hassan Muratovic, a Bosnian government minister
who has met with Koljevic in connection with cease-fire
arrangements, Thursday denied that Izetbegovic had made any
offer and rejected any prospect of direct talks. "We
will never negotiate with them directly," he said. "The vehicle
for a settlement remains the Contact Group plan. There is
nothing better possible. We remain committed to it."
That plan, drawn up by the Contact Group's five member
states-Britain, Germany, France, Russia and the United
States--calls for dividing the country geographically into a
federation that would give 51% of the land to Muslims and Croats
and 49% to minority Serbs. Bosnian Serb forces control about 70%
of the country. The Bosnian Serb rejection of that
plan, coupled with the apparent failure of the Contact Group to
enlist Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic to pressure his
Bosnian Serb allies, appears to have exhausted diplomatic
efforts to end the fighting.
High-level contacts between Bosnian Serbs and members
of the Bosnian government have occurred almost from the war's
beginning but are not known to have ever turned into
negotiations. While Koljevic did not elaborate on his
recent contacts, he has participated in "airport talks,"
periodic meetings conducted since last December between Bosnian
Serb and Bosnian government representatives at Sarajevo airport
to establish and regulate the present cease-fire.
Occasional Bosnian Serb-Bosnian government contacts also took
place at the airport before the cease-fire. One
diplomat also reported recent instances of high-level Bosnian
Serbs contacting old Muslim acquaintances in Sarajevo in an
attempt to start a dialogue. This diplomat and other
analysts said the Bosnian Serbs believe that they now have as
much of the country as they can hold, have given up trying to
take Sarajevo and would like to negotiate a peace before the
Bosnian government forces gain more strength.
As a rebel group, they would also win credibility and status
through direct talks with the internationally recognized Bosnian
government. In his interview, Koljevic said
negotiations should begin from a single starting point--assuring
that, whatever the geographical division, both
Serbian-controlled Bosnia and Muslim-Croat Bosnia would be
"viable political entities." "We have a chance to make
a geographical solution," he said. "Outsiders don't understand
this." At the heart of such a solution, he said, is
that a Muslim-Croat state would be guaranteed access to the sea
in return for providing the Bosnian Serbs a corridor at least 10
miles wide connecting the two sections of Bosnia now controlled
by the Bosnian Serbs.
Meantime, on Thursday, five bullets pierced a U.N.
plane on Sarajevo's runway--the fourth plane hit in six days.
Bosnian Serbs also revoked permission for food shipments
to reach Muslims in northwest Bosnia and harassed a Muslim
charity, the Associated Press reported.
Los Angeles Times
-----------------------------------------------------------------
-------
B o s N e t - Mar. 3 - 4, 1995
==========================================
FRONTLINES, Bosnia and Herzegovina SARAJEVO, Bosnia and
Herzegovina Mar 2
More than 800 detonations were recorded by UN forces
Wednesday along front-lines south and southeast of Velika
Kladusa, and 342 blasts Thursday morning. Several people were
seriously injured. Radio of Bosnia and Herzegovian also reported
artillery and infantry attacks near Velika Kladusa and Bosanska
Krupa area in the enclave. In central Bosnia, 15 people
were injured on Wednesday night when the town of Travnik came
under heavy shelling.
One person was killed and another wounded by sniper fire
in the Sarajevo suburb of Butmir on Thursday, Sarajevo radio
reported. The radio said the shots were fired from separatist
Serb positions in the early afternoon. UN military
observers were barred from investigating a mortar suspected to
be in the part of a southern Sarajevo suburb Dobrinja which is
under control of separatist Serbs, in violation of an existing
exclusion zone. The same applies to four other heavy weapons
believed in Serb-held Rajlovac north of the capital.
A UN cargo plane Ilyushin-76 was hit by five rounds of
small arms fire while taking off from Sarajevo airport on
Thursday, forcing the suspension of military and relief flights,
but UN officials said they hoped to reopen the airport on
Friday. 19 flights were scheduled for Friday, including 15
planes participating in the airlift.
Situation in Bihac -- Evacuation From Gorazde SARAJEVO, Bosnia
and Herzegovina (Mar 1)
Kris Janowski, a spokesman for the UNHCR in Sarajevo,
said permission for desperately needed aid convoys to cross
Croatian Serb-held territory and reach the besieged Bihac pocket
had been canceled by Serb authorities. A resupply convoy
for the UN Bangladeshi battalion was unable to enter the pocket
due to fighting Wednesday and had to turn back to Zagreb, said
Chris Gunnes, a UN spokesman in Zagreb. Aid convoys scheduled to
leave Zagreb, the Croatian capital, Thursday and Friday have
been called off. Meantime, Tuesday's food convoy, which has been
stranded close to Croat-Bosnian border for two days, will return
to Zagreb, Janowski said. Only one convoy, carrying around 90
tons of food reached Bihac this week. UN spokesman Lt.
Col. Gary Coward said Thursday that separatist Serbs did not
allow a high-level UN military visit to the eastern enclave of
Zepa on Wednesday. Red Cross officials in Sarajevo said
separatist Serbs have failed for four weeks to give the go-ahead
for a relief convoy from Zenica to go to Sarajevo. A
Western diplomat, speaking on condition of anonymity, said
Thursday that a key reason for cancelling all UNHCR convoys to
Sarajevo next week was the separatist Serbs' demand for an
increased share in aid. They currently receive about one-quarter
of the total.
United Nations armoured vehicles ferried 62 Moslems from
the Bosnian enclave of Gorazde to Sarajevo on Wednesday as part
of an evacuation aimed at reuniting families and providing
special medical treatment. It was the second such
operation the Bosnian government and Serb forces had agreed on
since the current ceasefire accord took effect. UN officials
referred to the operation as a medical and "social" evacuation
as half of the group had requested to leave so they could join
family members in Sarajevo. About 31 Serbs were also
scheduled to be evacuated from Gorazde to nearby Serb-held
territory on Wednesday, UN officials said.
Izetbegovic speech on the Day of Bosnia independence SARAJEVO,
March 1
Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic declared on
Wednesday that Bosnia, ravaged by nearly three years of bitter
and costly war, had been right to choose freedom over
subservience to Belgrade. "We are confronting intolerance
and hate with democracy and tolerance," said Izetbegovic,
speaking at a ceremony marking March 1 as the country's date of
independence. Serbia's drive to carve out a unified Serb
state out of former Yugoslavia made war inevitable, even if
Bosnia had remained within the federation, said Izetbegovic.
If Bosnians had chosen to remain under Belgrade's government,
they would be suffering and dying "on some other front lines
against Croatia, Sandzak and Kosovo for the glory and greatness
of Serbia." Izetbegovic called on Bosnians to defend the
principle of a pluralistic state against their enemies who
insist on "one- national, one-religious and one-party states."
"By defending this principle...which makes civilisation
possible, we shall be stronger every day and we shall save and
preserve Bosnia," he said. "Every nation has its promised land.
Our promised land is Bosnia. I call upon you to fight for it."
USA names arbitrator for Bosnian Federation Washington, United
States (Mar 2)
The United States Thursday announced the appointment of
a top international lawyer to arbitrate growing disputes within
the Muslim-Croat federation in Bosnia. The arbitrator, Roberts
Owen, was State Department legal adviser during the Jimmy Carter
administration in the late 1970s and negotiated the Algiers
accords which resolved the 1979-81 crisis over USA diplomats
held hostage in Iran. The appointment of Owen stemmed from a
nine-point plan to shore up the federation agreed on by
Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke, who mediated
between the Muslims and Croats in Munich last month. The
State Department said in a statement that Owen would be able to
decide all matters referred to him by either side and his
decisions would be binding on the parties and based on
federation agreements, its constitution and "equitable
principles". Holbrooke said he was still looking for a
military expert to advise the federation and was also
considering other ways to strengthen the federation, which has
been seen as a potential anchor of stability in a Balkan crisis
that officials fear is near to spinning out of control.
Allied defence ministers to discuss Yugoslavia WASHINGTON, March
2
Defence Department spokesman Ken Bacon said that the
situation in both war-torn Bosnia and in Croatia, where the
government has ordered UN officials and peacekeeping troops to
leave, would be discussed on the meeting of the USA, British,
French and German defence ministers. A meeting begins on Friday.
The brief Pentagon statement said that Defence Ministers
Malcolm Rifkind of Britain, Francois Leotard of France and
Volker Ruehe of Germany were visiting the United States as
guests of USA Defence Secretary William Perry.
Ghali: UN troops in Bosnia will have to go VIENNA, Austria (2
Mar)
The UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali suggested
Thursday that peacekeepers in Bosnia would have to go if
neighboring Croatia makes good on its threat to expel UN troops.
Ghali, in Vienna for a seminar on UN peacekeeping, linked the
continued presence of peacekeepers in neighboring Bosnia to
Croatia's decision. He said it would be extremely
difficult to supply and maintain links to UN troops in Bosnia if
peacekeepers left Croatia and war flared there again.
The USA is sending a high-level official to Croatia next
week in another effort to convince Tudjman to revoke his
decision, and British officials said other members of the
Contact Group may go along too. "One of the things the
Contact Group will agree is further action next week with
Croatia, to get across the determination of the international
community to keep UNPROFOR in Croatia," a British official said.
Milosevic rejects peace-plan again WASHINGTON, March 2
The major power envoys comprising Britain, France,
Germany, Russia and the United States met in the French capital
on Thursday for what some officials have said is a make-or-break
attempt to salvage their Yugoslavia peace plan following its
rejection by Serbia. French Foreign Minister Alain Juppe said
before the meeting took place that Serbian President Slobodan
Milosevic had indicated he would make some counter-proposals,
and that these would be discussed at the Thursday meeting. He
also said the group's latest peace initiative was crucial
because he feared arms shipments into Bosnia could lead to new
fighting should diplomacy fail. But counterproposals by
Milosevic to a major powers' peace plan for former Yugoslavia
appear to be inadequate, a USA official said on Thursday.
"It didn't sound like much...I didn't see any breakthrough," the
official told Reuters after receiving a preliminary report of a
meeting in Paris of 'contact group' representatives.
More US troops in Macedonia WASHINGTON (2 Mar)
The United States would consider bolstering its small
force in Macedonia if UN peacekeepers are removed from Croatia,
Pentagon officials said Thursday. Kenneth Bacon, Pentagon
spokesman, said adding to the USA 500-member peacekeeping
contingent is "on the table as a possibility at this stage." He
declined to specify how many troops might be added and stressed
that no decision to reinforce the USA presence has been made. He
said the Clinton administration's goal is to get Croatia to
allow the UN peacekeepers to remain. But a senior
Pentagon official said Clinton administration officials are
looking at the possibility of putting an entire NATO-led
division in Macedonia. "We would only contribute about a third
of that -a brigade," said the official, meaning about 3,000
soldiers.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
-------
B o s N e t - Mar. 5, 1995
==========================================
THE NEW REPUBLIC
"In Bosnia, in Rwanda, in Somalia, in Chechnya--the UN
played a negative role or no role at all. In Bosnia especially,
peacemaking has looked more and more like a kind of passive
warmaking, and the reputation of the United Nations has forever
been tarnished by it."
03/13/95 WITHDRAWAL SYMPTOMS
A great debate on foreign policy is taking place in Washington,
but it is not the debate that Washington thinks is taking place.
The occasion is the passage by the House of the National
Security Revitalization Act, which proposes to make into law the
provisions of the Contract with America that treat America's
duties beyond America's borders, with the objective of
diminishing or denying those duties. "We don't want to be the
patsy of the world anymore," Representative Dana Rohrabacher
thoughtfully observed about the role that the United States has
played in the world for the past half-century. "The nation has
gone too far in the direction of globalism," Representative Dick
Armey warned, "and we intend to correct that."
The correction takes the form of congressional interference in
the president's ability to place the troops of the United States
under the command of the United Nations. For the Republicans,
American participation in u.n. peacekeeping forces embodies the
globalism that they despise. Their bill requires the
administration to charge the United Nations for the costs of
American support of its peacekeeping missions. Last year such
costs (for the transportation of troops and equipment, for
example) came to $1.7 billion. The National Security
Revitalization Act, in short, is designed to make peacekeeping
impossible by bankrupting it. The president and the secretary of
state and the secretary of defense are all outraged, and are
lobbying hard and threatening a veto. They believe that they are
fighting the good fight, beating back the Republican tradition
of isolationism in the name of the Democratic tradition of
internationalism.
They are half right. The Republicans (look who suddenly insist
on micromanaging foreign policy from the Hill!) are indeed
interested in an American withdrawal from the world. And there
have been conflicts in the world in which u.n. peacekeeping
missions have played positive roles: in Mozambique, in
Guatemala, in Angola, in Macedonia. And yet the administration's
enthusiasm for the peacekeepers from Turtle Bay is not
altogether supportable. In those conflicts of the post-cold war
world that are most representative of the post-cold war
world--in Bosnia, in Rwanda, in Somalia, in Chechnya--the u.n.
played a negative role or no role at all. In Bosnia especially,
peacemaking has looked more and more like a kind of passive
warmaking, and the reputation of the United Nations has forever
been tarnished by it.
The falsity of the administration's opposition to the Republican
bill does not end there. For Clinton agrees with Gingrich that
the United Nations is the perfect symbol and the perfect
instrument of globalism. The foreign policy of the Clinton
administration has been largely a long, fitful, callow and
occasionally dishonest subordination of the authority of the
United States to the authority of the United Nations. It has
called this multilateralism, when in truth it is a usurpation of
American power--and this at a time when American power is just
about all the power that is left to restrain, by its use or by
the sincere threat of its use, the tribalisms and the
authoritarianisms that are wreaking havoc in the world, and in
some places wreaking genocide. For this administration, it is a
matter of principle for America not to lead.
So this is the debate that is taking place: the Republicans want
the United States out of the United Nations because they do not
want to project American power abroad, and the Democrats want
the United States in the United Nations because they do not want
to project American power abroad. In Washington, in 1995, there
are no internationalists. The Republican assault on
internationalism would be mischievous anytime. But turn inward,
while Clinton is president? They really must be mad.
-----------------------------------------------------
03/05:EDITORIAL: SOMALIA MISSION FORCES MILITARY TO RETHINK
STRATEGY By ERIC SCHMITT
The Somalia experience hardened the Pentagon's opposition
to sending troops on relief or peacekeeping missions unless the
American forces had strict control or just a bit part.
In Bosnia, Washington may commit American troops only to
assisting a possible withdrawal of U.N. peacekeepers, still
considered a highly dangerous mission.
c.1995 N.Y. Times News Service
WASHINGTON - The world's armed mission to aid Somalia came to
an end on Friday when 1,800 marines steamed away from Mogadishu
after one last firefight with the populace that previous
American forces had come to help.
But even before the departure of the U.N. troops and their
American escort, the 26-month intervention had forced a new
approach to the kinds of missions the U.S. military is likely to
face in years to come.
Indeed, a 12-hour battle in the streets of Mogadishu that left
18 Army soldiers dead in October 1993 - one that involved only a
few hundred combatants on all sides - has in many respects had a
bigger impact on military thinking than the entire 1991 Persian
Gulf war.
The most obvious result was the withdrawal of American troops
from Somalia in March 1994, although the marines returned this
week as promised to help with the U.N. pullout.
More broadly, the operation forced the United States to adopt
clearer rules for American participation in U.N. peacekeeping
missions. It also encouraged the armed forces to develop new
doctrines and tactics for the kinds of small-scale
peace-enforcement and aid missions that American troops may be
asked to join in the years ahead.
Outside the administration, Somalia stoked increased hostility
toward the United Nations in the Republican-controlled Congress
and reinforced public pressure for a goal that many in the
military consider unrealistic: casualty-free missions.
"We learned a lot from that painful experience," Secretary of
State Warren Christopher told a House subcommittee this week.
The impact of Somalia can be traced through the missions that
followed. The United States assisted the U.N. relief effort in
Rwanda last summer, but only after Defense Secretary William J.
Perry tightly circumscribed the military's role. The
American-led military landing in Haiti last fall to restore the
country's exiled president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, was governed
by an extraordinarily detailed plan with a firm exit date for
the American troops.
Within the administration, the Somalia operation is not
considered a complete failure. The operation saved at least
110,000 lives - and by some estimates up to 250,000 - by
distributing food in an East African nation devastated by famine
and strife. "We leave the country in a lot better shape than we
went in," Christopher said.
Pentagon officials are proud of the efficiency with which its
forces carried out that early mission - pacifying the country
and distributing food.
But those limited goals later gave way to a broader attempt
under United Nations commanders at "nation building" that led to
clashes between foreign troops and Somali militia leaders, like
the firefight that killed the Army Rangers.
That experience hardened the Pentagon's opposition to sending
troops on relief or peacekeeping missions unless the American
forces had strict control or just a bit part.
In Bosnia, Washington may commit American troops only to
assisting a possible withdrawal of U.N. peacekeepers, still
considered a highly dangerous mission.
While the Pentagon is dedicated to its strategy of fighting and
winning two regional wars virtually at once, military officials
complain that policy makers are committing troops to too many
"operations other than war," like Haiti and Somalia.
"Yes, it is a new world order and, yes, we need to engage in it,
but there also need to be limitations," said a senior Defense
Department official who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
"Madeleine and Tony feel we should get involved in many more
things than this building thinks," the Pentagon official
continued, referring to Madeleine K. Albright, the U.S. delegate
to the United Nations, and Anthony Lake, the president's
national security adviser. "Frankly, they would embroil us in
many things we shouldn't be involved in."
But Ms. Albright dismisses the Pentagon's caution. She contends
that a new peacekeeping policy adopted last year aims not only
to clarify the United States role in such missions, but to
strengthen U.N. operations so the United States does not have to
be the "911 force" for the world.
"We now insist that tough questions about the cost, size, risk,
mandate and duration of a peacekeeping mission be asked and
answered satisfactorily before one is started and renewed," Ms.
Albright told reporters last month. "That policy has resulted in
fewer and smaller new operations, and better management of
existing ones."
But the Pentagon's reluctance is expressed even more strongly by
the new Republican Congress.
"Our armed forces didn't join to die for the United Nations,"
Rep. Jon Christensen, a Nebraska Republican, said during the
House debate last month on the foreign-policy tenets of his
party's legislative program.
Some democrats, like Rep. James A. Traficant Jr. of Ohio,
agreed. "The American public is fed up that Uncle Sam is called
on to be the world's policeman," he said.
=======================================================
TODAY'S ISSUES==> TOPIC: MILITARY & ARMS Ref: C33P2045
Date: 03/03/95 From: STEVE SCHULTZ (Leader)
Time: 08:34pm \/To: ALL
(Read 21 times) Subj: BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA UPDATE
An Il-76 chartered by the U.N. that was parked at Sarajevo
Airport yesterday was pierced by five bullets. Flights to and
from the airport have been suspended.
The Bosnian Serbs revoked permission for aid convoys to travel
to Bihac yesterday. Convoys from Zagreb yesterday and today were
called off, and a convoy stranded for two days was called back.
One convoy reached Bihac this week with 90 tons of food.
(A.P./N.Y.T.)
==============================================
OMRI DAILY DIGEST
No. 47, Part II, 7 March 1995
This is Part II of the Open Media Research Institute's Daily
Digest. Part II is a compilation of news concerning East-Central
and Southeastern Europe. Part I, covering Russia, Transcaucasia
and Central Asia, and the CIS, is distributed simultaneously as
a second document.
CROATIA AND BOSNIA SET UP JOINT MILITARY COMMAND. International
media on 7 March reported that the governments of Croatia and
the Croatian-Muslim federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
announced a new military alliance the previous day. It is not
clear whether this is a concrete measure or one of mainly
symbolic value, but it comes three weeks after the Serbs in
Bosnia and Croatia took a similar step. The Boston Globe notes
that Croatian Television ran the story about the Croatian-Muslim
command in its 6 March newscast right behind one on talks
between US Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke and
President Franjo Tudjman. The media speculated that Holbrooke
had wanted to present new ideas to Tudjman on possible ways to
extend UNPROFOR's mandate in Croatia, but Croatian sources later
said that the two men talked only about what would happen when
the peacekeepers left. In any event, Croatian Chiefof-Staff
General Janko Bobetko's announcement that the joint command will
"defend the Croatian-Muslim federation" is one more sign that a
renewed conflict in the area may be in the offing. -- Patrick
Moore, OMRI, Inc.
MLADIC SAYS UNPROFOR MUST LEAVE BOSNIA IF IT LEAVES CROATIA.
Bosnian Serb commander General Ratko Mladic said on 6 March that
the peacekeepers are not welcome in that republic if Tudjman
evicts them from Croatia, the BBC reported. Meanwhile in
Brussels, the EU foreign ministers endorsed a British and French
proposal to link talks with Zagreb on a future cooperation
agreement to Tudjman's allowing UNPROFOR to stay. Germany,
Austria, and the EU Commission had wanted to start talks without
reference to UNPROFOR, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung
reported on 7 March. In Bosnia itself, Vjesnik reported that
Pale has levied a monthly per capita tax of about DM 200 on
Bosnian Serbs working abroad. All sides in the former Yugoslavia
have regularly "passed the hat" among the guest workers. And in
London, Bosnian Foreign Minister Irfan Ljubijancic told the BBC
that the West is wasting its time making political offers to
Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, because "the only language
he understands is force." Nasa Borba adds that the minister
warned that an expanded war is approaching. -- Patrick Moore,
OMRI, Inc.
CONTACT GROUP TO RESUME MEETINGS ON FORMER YUGOSLAVIA. Nasa
Borba on 7 March reported that representatives of the
international Contact Group will resume talks in Paris the same
day in what appears to be a renewed bid to avert a new war in
the former Yugoslavia. One unnamed British official, quoted by
Reuters, summed up the mood by observing "The clock is ticking.
. . . It's a question of getting all hands on deck." Meanwhile,
a report by Thorvald Stoltenberg and Lord Owen states that the
international sanctions monitoring team stationed along the
SerbianBosnian border is running out of funds, which may force
the operation to close down. -- Stan Markotich, OMRI, Inc.
---
[As of 12:00 CET]
Compiled by Jan Cleave
The OMRI Daily Digest offers the latest news from the former
Soviet Union and East-Central and Southeastern Europe. It is
published Monday through Friday by the Open Media Research
Institute. The Daily Digest is distributed electronically via
the OMRI-L list. To subscribe, send "SUBSCRIBE OMRI-L
YourFirstName YourLastName" (without the quotation marks and
inserting your name where shown) to LISTSERV@UBVM.CC.BUFFALO.EDU
No subject line or other text should be included. The
publication can also be obtained for a fee in printed form by
fax and postal mail. Please direct inquiries to: Editor, Daily
Digest, OMRI, Na Strzi 63, 14062 Prague 4, Czech Republic or
send e-mail to: omripub@omri.cz
Telephone: (42 2) 6114 2114 Fax: (42 2) 426 396
Vladimir Vuksan vuksan@unm.edu
---
============================================
DATE= TYPE=CORRESPONDENT REPORT NUMBER=2-175170 TITLE=HUNGARY /
CROATIA (S-O) BYLINE=STEFAN BOS DATELINE=BUDAPEST CONTENT=
VOICED AT:
INTRO: THE INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS HAS WARNED FOR AN
UNPRECEDENTED REFUGEE CRISIS IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA WHEN U-N
PEACE KEEPERS PLAN TO WITHDRAW FROM CROATIA ON MARCH 31ST.
STEFAN BOS REPORTS FROM BUDAPEST THE ANNOUNCEMENT WAS MADE AT A
CONFERENCE WITH DELEGATIONS FROM RED CROSS ORGANIZATIONS AND
DONOR COUNTRIES.
TEXT: A SPOKESMAN FOR THE INTERNATIONAL RED CROSS FEDERATION,
ENCHO GOSPODINOV, SAYS AN ESTIMATED 200-THOUSAND NEW REFUGEES
ARE EXPECTED TO CROSS INTO NEIGHBORING SLOVENIA IF U-N PEACE
KEEPERS LEAVE CROATIA.
HE ALSO EXPECTS THOUSANDS OF REFUGEES WILL TRY TO MAKE THEIR WAY
INTO HUNGARY WHERE ALREADY MORE THAN SEVEN-THOUSAND MAINLY
WOMEN AND CHILDREN FIND SHELTER BY HUNGARIAN FAMILIES.
MR. GOSPODINOV SAYS THE WITHDRAWAL OF U-N PEACE KEEPERS MIGHT
LEAD TO ALL OUT WAR.
/// GOSPODINOV ACT. ///
WE STILL HOPE THAT A CONFLICT CAN BE AVOIDED. BUT I
CAN TELL YOU THAT TODAY, IN THE CONFERENCE ROOM WHERE WE
HAD DISCUSSED THE SITUATION, THERE WERE NOT TOO MANY
OPTIMISTS.
/// END GOSPODINOV ACT. ///
RED CROSS ORGANIZATIONS ACROSS THE REGION ARE LOOKING FOR
SPONSORS TO ADOPT NEW REFUGEES. MR. GOSPODINOV SAYS SO FAR, RED
CROSS OFFICIALS WERE NOT SUCCESSFUL IN CONVINCING THE CROATIAN
GOVERNMENT TO EXTEND THE U-N MANDATE. (SIGNED)
NEB / SB / BD-T/PT
07-Mar-95 8:33 PM EST (0133 UTC) NNNN
Source: Voice of America
=========================================
DATE=3/8/95 TYPE=BACKGROUND REPORT NUMBER=5-19840 TITLE=BOSNIA
FRONTLINE BYLINE=DOUGLAS ROBERTS DATELINE=SOKOLJE, BOSNIA
CONTENT= VOICED AT:
INTRO: BOSNIA'S MUSLIM-DOMINATED GOVERNMENT IS IN THE MIDST OF
A MAJOR PROGRAM TO REORGANIZE THE COUNTRY'S ARMED FORCES, IN
ANTICIPATION OF ANOTHER ROUND OF FIGHTING AGAINST SERB FORCES IN
A FEW WEEKS' TIME. BOSNIAN GOVERNMENT LEADERS SAY THEY ARE
TRYING TO FASHION A CLASSICAL ARMY FROM A COLLECTION OF LOCAL
MILITIA GROUPS. BUT DESPITE THE REORGANIZATION, THE MILITARY
REMAINS VERY MUCH A CITIZENS' ARMY. V-O-A'S DOUGLAS ROBERTS
REPORTS FROM THE VILLAGE OF SOKOLJE, IN THE HILLS NEAR SARAJEVO.
TEXT: THEY SIT AROUND A WOODEN TABLE IN A MAKESHIFT COMMAND
POST-- FOUR MEN AND A WOMAN FROM THE BOSNIAN ARMY'S SECOND
BRIGADE, ASSIGNED TO DEFEND THIS FRONTLINE VILLAGE.
ONE WAS A CONSTRUCTION WORKER BEFORE THE WAR. ANOTHER WAS
EMPLOYED AT A FOOD-PROCESSING FACTORY IN WHAT IS NOW A SERB-HELD
DISTRICT OF SARAJEVO. MINA IS THE YOUNGEST. BARELY OUT OF HER
TEENS, SHE WORKS PART-TIME IN THE BRIGADE'S KITCHEN, WHILE
CONTINUING HER UNIVERSITY STUDIES. A BURLY MAN IN HIS MID-50'S,
SALKO KULOVATS, IS THE OLDEST. A FORMER VILLAGE COUNCIL
LEADER, HE HAS SEEN BOTH HIS PARENTS, HIS SISTER, AND HIS SON
KILLED DURING THE THREE YEARS OF WAR HERE.
THE CONSTRUCTION WORKER, NOKTO ZIAD, HAS FOUGHT IN SOKOLJE FROM
THE BEGINNING.
/// ZIAD ACT -- IN SERBO-CROATIAN ///
TWICE, HE HAS BEEN WOUNDED. HE LIFTS HIS SHIRT TO REVEAL THE
SCAR FROM A SNIPER'S BULLET THAT PASSED WITHIN CENTIMETERS OF
HIS HEART.
HE FIRST WENT INTO COMBAT, DRESSED IN CIVILIAN CLOTHES AND
CARRYING A HOME-MADE RIFLE. AN EXHIBIT AT THE SECOND BRIGADE'S
SMALL MUSEUM FOCUSES ON THE ARTISANAL NATURE OF THE BOSNIAN
ARMY'S WEAPONRY WHEN THE WAR BEGAN -- SHOTGUNS FASHIONED FROM
STEEL PIPES, MOLOTOV COCKTAILS MADE FROM JUICE AND OLIVE OIL
CANS.
NOKTO ZIAD CARRIES A MACHINEGUN NOW, CAPTURED, HE SAYS, FROM A
SERB SOLDIER. HE HAS RECENTLY BEEN ISSUED AN ARMY UNIFORM.
AS THE WAR MOVES INTO ITS FOURTH YEAR, THERE IS NO DOUBT THE
BOSNIAN ARMY IS BETTER EQUIPPED. WEAPONS AND AMMUNITION ARE
GETTING IN, DESPITE THE U-N ARMS EMBARGO. SECOND BRIGADE
COMMANDERS ARE RELUCTANT TO DISCUSS THE ISSUE. BUT, SAYS ONE
OFFICER HERE, WE HAVE ENOUGH ARMS NOW.
BUT OTHER RESOURCES ARE STILL LACKING. SOLDIERS ARE PAID IN
CIGARETTES -- 30 PACKS A MONTH -- ALONG WITH IRREGULAR SUPPLIES
OF FLOUR, VEGETABLE OIL, AND CANNED GOODS.
NOKTO ZIAD'S WIFE AND TWO CHILDREN ARE LARGELY DEPENDENT ON
HUMANITARIAN AID. SOMETIMES THEY JOIN HIM FOR MEALS AT THE
SECOND BRIGADE'S MESS -- WITH ONLY BEANS, RICE, PASTA, AND
BREAD AMONG THE ITEMS BEING OFFERED. THE ONLY MEAT WE SEE, HE
SAYS WITH A WRY GRIN, IS IN MAGAZINE PICTURES.
NOKTO ZIAD MANS AN OBSERVATION POST ON THE EDGE OF THIS HILLTOP
VILLAGE, WATCHING THE MOVEMENTS OF SERB FORCES DUG IN BARELY 200
METERS AWAY.
IT IS EASY TO UNDERSTAND THE STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF THE
VILLAGE, SOKOLJE. IT SITS ASTRIDE A ROAD LEADING FROM SARAJEVO
TO MOUNT ZUC, ONE OF THE PEAKS THAT COMMANDS ACCESS TO THE
CAPITAL.
THE SOLDIERS OF THE SECOND BRIGADE HAVE FOUGHT OFF SEVERAL
TANK-LED SERB OFFENSIVES HERE. THE VILLAGE HAS BEEN DUBBED THE
SETTLEMENT OF HEROES. ONCE THE SERBS PENETRATED ABOUT 500
METERS INSIDE SOKOLJE. EVERY BUILDING BEARS THE SCARS OF
BATTLE. MANY HOMES HAVE BEEN REDUCED TO RUBBLE.
ALTHOUGH THERE HAVE BEEN NO MAJOR BATTLES HERE OVER THE PAST
YEAR, SNIPER FIRE IS A CONSTANT THREAT. AND THE VILLAGERS HAVE
DEVISED A NOVEL USE FOR THE UBIQUITOUS PLASTIC SHEETING SUPPLIED
BY THE U-N'S REFUGEE AGENCY. INSTEAD OF USING IT TO REPLACE
SHATTERED WINDOWS, HERE THE STRIPS OF PLASTIC ARE STRUNG UP
ALONG THE ROADSIDE FACING SERB POSITIONS, TO SPOIL THE AIM OF
THE SNIPERS IN THEIR TRENCHES BELOW.
THE COMBATANTS HERE TRADE MORE THAN GUNFIRE. SAYS NOKTO ZIAD,
SOMETIMES WE SHOUT INSULTS AT EACH OTHER, AND SOMETIMES THE
SERBS EVEN INVITE US FOR CIGARETTES AND COFFEE. THE INVITATIONS
ARE RARELY, IF EVER, ACCEPTED.
BEFORE THE WAR, SERBS MADE UP ABOUT SEVEN PERCENT OF SOKOLJE'S
POPULATION. AND NOKTO ZIAD SAYS MOST WOULD BE WELCOME TO RETURN
-- AS LONG AS THEY PLAYED NO PART IN THE MASSACRES AND OTHER
HORRORS THAT HAVE BEEN THE GRIM HALLMARK OF THIS CONFLICT.
/// ZIAD ACT -- IN SERBO-CROATIAN ///
SAYS MR. ZIAD, WE WANT TO MAKE BOSNIA AS IT WAS BEFORE. THAT IS
WHY WE ARE FIGHTING. WE NEVER HAD ANY DIFFERENCES WITH THE
SERBS BEFORE THE WAR, HE SAYS, AND WE MUST LEARN TO LIVE
TOGETHER AGAIN. (SIGNED)
NEB/DBR/SKH/JWH
08-Mar-95 7:39 AM EST (1239 UTC) NNNN
Source: Voice of America